That Pakistan may first use nuclear weapons in a future war with India was announced by Foreign Secretary Aizaz Chaudhry quite some time ago. This could be considered a reiteration of the Pak army’s well-known stance. But, significantly it came from the Foreign Office rather than GHQ or Strategic Plans Division. Coming from both ends of the power spectrum, this confirms that Pakistan has drastically shifted its nuclear posture.
The
bonhomie towards the end of the year promised by the Modi-Nawaz Sharif hug has
been replaced by consternation and frustration because the India-Pakistan
relation has yet again come full circle after the terror strike in Pathankot.
On the cusp of the new year, there were hopes of dialogue and
reconciliation; now there is just hostility and uncertainty, the two inevitable
results of almost every peace initiative.
At a
meeting convened soon after the 26/11 Mumbai strikes, five options were
considered by the Indian government at a meeting with its top army and
intelligence brass. Almost all of them had one objective in mind: Punishing the
Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and destroying its jihadi structure across the border.
In his
memoirs, Neither a Hawk Nor a Dove, former Pakistani foreign minister Khurshid
Mahmud Kasuri says all these options--including a covert mission against LeT,
air strikes on terror camps and a limited war-- were brought to his notice by
the US administration, which was aware of the Indian discussions.
After
discussing these options for almost a fortnight, the UPA government decided to
abandon them because of two factors: One, there was no guarantee that it
wouldn't escalate into a nuclear conflict. Two, many feared that it would unite
all jihadi groups in Pakistan, including those fighting against the host
country, against India.
The
nuclear arsenals of both sides—and the red lines that would trigger their
use—have made conventional war much more risky to conduct. The 1999 Kargil War
is considered the closest the world has come to a nuclear war since the Cuban
Missile Crisis. If India were to use its superiority in ground forces to seize
a sizable amount of Pakistani territory, Pakistan could respond with nuclear
weapons.
The exact
size of the Indian arsenal is unknown but estimated to be between 90 and 110
nuclear devices, which is again just an estimate, by today it could be much
much more. Statements by officials have lead outsiders to believe the maximum
yield of Indian weapons to be around 200 kilotons, or approximately ten times
the destructive power of the Hiroshima bomb. These again could be much more,
given by the size and advances of the Indian Nuclear Program. Further the
delivery systems are far superior to those of Pakistan.
The actual
size of Pakistan's nuclear stockpile is hard for experts to gauge owing to the
extreme secrecy which surrounds the program in Pakistan. However, in 2007,
retired Pakistan Army's Brigadier-General Feroz Khan, previously second in
command at the Strategic Arms Division of Pakistans' Military told a Pakistani
newspaper that Pakistan had about 80 to 120 genuine warheads.
Pakistan
tested plutonium capability in the sixth nuclear test, codename Chagai-II, on
30 May 1998 at Kharan Desert. The critical mass of a bare mass
sphere of 90% enriched uranium-235 is 52 kg. Correspondingly, the critical mass
of a bare mass sphere of plutonium-239 is 8–10 kg. The bomb that destroyed
Hiroshima used 60 kg of U-235 while the Nagasaki Pu bomb used only 6 kg of
Pu-239. Since all Pakistani bomb designs are implosion-type weapons, they will
typically use between 15–25 kg of U-235 for their cores. Reducing the amount of
U-235 in cores from 60 kg in gun-type devices to 25 kg in implosion devices is
only possible by using good neutron reflector/tamper material such as beryllium
metal, which increases the weight of the bomb. This must have lead to the
successful design of the TNW's.
A nuclear
war between these countries with use of above low grade nuclear weapons could
result in > 12 million deaths.
Pakistan
is the most dangerous country for the world today.
The Indian
subcontinent—home to both India and Pakistan—remains among the most dangerous
corners of the world, and continues to pose a deep threat to global stability
and the current world order. Their 1,800-mile border is the only place in the
world where two hostile, nuclear-armed states face off every day. And the risk
of nuclear conflict has only continued to rise in the past few years, to the
point that it is now a very real possibility. --- Officials of the FBI and the
CIA.
Since 2004, India has been
developing a new military doctrine called Cold Start. Floated by Gen
Deepak Kapoor in 2010, Cold Start calls for cutting Pakistan into “salami
slices” as punishment for hosting Mumbai-style terrorist attack inside India.
A limited war option
designed largely to deter Islamabad from sponsoring irregular attacks against
India. It involves rapid conventional retaliation after any such attack,
launching a number of quick armored assaults into Pakistan and rapidly securing
limited objectives that hypothetically remain below Pakistan’s nuclear
threshold. In accordance with this doctrine, the Indian military is meant to
mobilize half a million troops in less than 72 hours.
The problem is, unlike its
neighbors India and China, Pakistan has not renounced the first use of nuclear
weapons. Instead, Pakistani leaders have stated that they may have to use
nuclear weapons first in order to defend against a conventional attack from
India. Therefore, both to counter Cold Start and help to offset India’s growing
conventional superiority, Pakistan has accelerated its nuclear weapons program
— and begun to field short-range, low yield tactical nuclear weapons
(TNW).
Nasr “shoot and scoot”
short-ranged missile was announced by ISPR, the Pakistan military’s official
voice. Ensconced inside a multiple-barreled mobile launcher the four
60-kilometer-range missiles are said to be tipped with nuclear warheads each
roughly one-tenth the size of a Hiroshima-sized weapon. Pakistan says these
tactical weapons will not destabilize the current balance or pose significant
command and control problems, a claim that many believe as incorrect.
Wars are fought to be won,
not to be lost. So how will Pakistan’s new TNW weapons help them win a war?
This fundamental question is never even touched. But let us assume their use in
a post Mumbai-II scenario. For every (small TNW) mushroom cloud on Pakistani
territory (used against an Indian Armor assault of the Cold start doctrine),
roughly a dozen or more Indian main battle tanks and armored vehicles
would be destroyed. After many mushrooms, the invasion would stop dead in
its tracks and a few thousand Indian troops would be killed.
Then what? With the nuclear
threshold crossed for the first time since 1945, India would face one of two
options: to fight on or flee. Which it will choose is impossible to predict
because much will depend upon the extant political and military circumstances,
as well as the personalities of the military and political leaders then in
office.
Official Indian policy
calls for massive retaliation. In 2013, reacting officially to Pakistan, Shyam
Saran, the head of the National Security Advisory Board (the apex body
concerned with security matters) declared that, “India will not be the first to
use nuclear weapons, but if it is attacked with such weapons, it would engage
in nuclear retaliation which will be massive and designed to inflict
unacceptable damage on its adversary. The label on a nuclear weapon used for
attacking India, strategic or tactical, is irrelevant from the Indian
perspective”.
Simply stated: whether
struck by a micro-nuke or mini-nuke or city-buster, and whether on its own soil
or outside its borders, India says it will consider itself under nuclear attack
and react accordingly.
It may be that if push
comes to shove, India will not actually launch its large nuclear weapons. The
sensible instinct of self-preservation might somehow prevail, and the
subcontinent live to see another morning.
More likely is that in the
heat of the moment, reckless passions will rage and caution will take a
backseat. A tit-for-tat exchange could continue until every single weapon,
small and large, is used up on either side. It is difficult to imagine how any
war termination mechanism could work even if, by some miracle, the nuclear
command and control centers remain intact. At the end both India and Pakistan
would would have taught the other a terrible lesson.
But in all probability
Pakistan would have been wiped of the face of a map and may be more than 50 %
of the Indian subcontinent would be rendered inhabitable.
Some observers now
judge Pakistan's nuclear program to be the fastest
growing in the world. Pakistan will reportedly have enough fissile
material by 2020 to build more than 200 nuclear warheads — more than the United
Kingdom plans to have by that time.
There was and is strong
evidence that the attackers of Mumbai and Pathankot, were Pakistani and
belonged to a Pakistan-supported militant group. Indian public outrage and
humiliation were overwhelming. Only through the combination of diplomatic
pressure from the United States and immense restraint exerted by then-Indian
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was an Indian retaliatory strike averted after
Mumbai.
The chances of such Indian
government restraint in a similarly deadly future scenario like the Mumbai and
Pathankot Pakistan sponsored attacks are unlikely. Experts such as Stephen
Cohen of the Brookings Institution and former U.S. Ambassador to India Robert
Blackwill agree that if there were another Mumbai, Indian Prime Minister
Narendra Modi would not step back from using military force in response, unlike
his predecessors. Indian public opinion would demand retaliation, especially
after the unpopular degree of restraint exercised by the Singh government after
the Mumbai attacks. But there still remains no meaningful senior-level dialogue
between the two states, though some kind of a start is in the offing.
A nuclear war between India
and Pakistan would dramatically alter the world as we know it. The damage from
fallout and blast, the deaths of potentially millions, and the environmental
devastation of even a few weapons detonations would suddenly dwarf any other
global problem.
Even if it was the
provocateur, Pakistan could come to fear for its own survival in this type of
scenario. Having aided a group like Lashkar-e-Taiba,
with its extremist anti-Indian views, Pakistan would have given India ample
grounds for retaliation. Even a limited Indian conventional counterattack,
perhaps influenced by its so-called Cold Start
military thinking, could quickly put Islamabad, Lahore and other
Pakistani cities at risk.
In such a situation, Pakistan might well see
military logic in the use of several nuclear weapons against Indian troops,
facilities, or other tactical targets. It is not even out of the question that
Pakistan could conduct some TNW (Tactical Nuclear Weapons) attacks over its own
territory.
“India will not be the first to use nuclear
weapons, but if it is attacked with such weapons, it would engage in nuclear
retaliation which will be massive and designed to inflict unacceptable damage
on its adversary. The label on a nuclear weapon used for attacking India,
strategic or tactical, is irrelevant from the Indian perspective”. Going by
this Indian stated policy use by India of its high yield nuclear arsenal is a
distinct possibility.
If the weapons were
detonated a kilometer or so up in the air, the effects of the explosions could
be catastrophic to people and military equipment below, without creating
much fallout due to dirt and rock upheaval which would otherwise likely later
descend on populated areas downwind.
Beyond their immediate military effects, such
attacks would signal Islamabad’s willingness to escalate. Despite the huge
risks, there would be few better ways of making a threat to attack India credible
than to cross the nuclear threshold in tactical attacks.
Pakistanis would have to assume the possibility
of Indian attacks against Pakistani armed forces. But that might be a risk the
country’s leadership would be willing to accept, if the alternative seemed to
be defeat and forced surrender after a conventional battle.
It’s not likely that we Indians would interpret
such a finely graduated nuclear attack as a demonstration of restraint, to us
Indians the word restraint itself might be laughable, particularly if any of
the Pakistani attacks went off course and caused more damage than intended.
Further once nuclear weapons are used the stated Indian policy of retaliation
would come into play. Thus, the danger of inadvertent escalation in this kind
of scenario could be quite real. It might not even take nuclear attacks by
Pakistan to cause nuclear dangers.
NRDC (Natural Resources Defense Council) has
conducted its own analysis of the consequences of nuclear war in South Asia.
Prior to this most recent crisis they calculated two nuclear scenarios. The
first assumes 10 Hiroshima-sized explosions with no fallout; the second assumes
24 nuclear explosions with significant radioactive fallout. Both these
estimates are conservative with respect to the number and type of nuclear bombs
that would actually be used by both countries.
Table from "The Risks and Consequences of
Nuclear War in South Asia," by NRDC physicist Matthew McKinzie and
Princeton scientists Zia Mian, A. H. Nayyar and M. V. Ramana, a chapter in Smitu
Kothari and Zia Mian (editors), "Out of the Nuclear Shadow" (Delhi:
Lokayan and Rainbow Publishers). I again bring out these estimates are very
conservative.
Estimated
nuclear casualties for attacks (air bursts) on 10 large Indian and Pakistani
cities
|
||||
City Name
|
Total Population Within 5 Kilometers
of Ground Zero
|
Number of Persons Killed
|
Number of Persons Severely Injured
|
Number of Persons Slightly Injured
|
India
|
||||
Bangalore
|
3,077,937
|
314,978
|
175,136
|
411,336
|
Bombay
|
3,143,284
|
477,713
|
228,648
|
476,633
|
Calcutta
|
3,520,344
|
357,202
|
198,218
|
466,336
|
Madras
|
3,252,628
|
364,291
|
196,226
|
448,948
|
New Delhi
|
1,638,744
|
176,518
|
94,231
|
217,853
|
Total India
|
14,632,937
|
1,690,702
|
892,459
|
2,021,106
|
Pakistan
|
||||
Faisalabad
|
2,376,478
|
336,239
|
174,351
|
373,967
|
Islamabad
|
798,583
|
154,067
|
66,744
|
129,935
|
Karachi
|
1,962,458
|
239,643
|
126,810
|
283,290
|
Lahore
|
2,682,092
|
258,139
|
149,649
|
354,095
|
Rawalpindi
|
1,589,828
|
183,791
|
96,846
|
220,585
|
Total Pakistan
|
9,409,439
|
1,171,879
|
614,400
|
1,361,872
|
India
and Pakistan
|
||||
Total
|
24,042,376
|
2,862,581
|
1,506,859
|
3,382,978
|
It is easier to fuse
a nuclear weapon to detonate on impact than it is to detonate it in the air --
and that means fallout. If the nuclear explosion takes place at or near the
surface of the earth, the nuclear fireball would gouge out material and mix it with
the radioactive bomb debris, producing heavier radioactive particles. These
heavier particles would begin to drift back to earth within minutes or hours
after the explosion, producing potentially lethal levels of nuclear fallout out
to tens or hundreds of kilometers from the ground zero. The precise levels
depend on the explosive yield of the weapon and the prevailing winds.
NRDC's (Natural
Resources Defense Council) second scenario would produce far more
horrific results than the first scenario because there would be more weapons,
higher yields, and extensive fallout. In some large cities, it was assumed more
than one bomb would be used.
15
Indian and Pakistani cities attacked with 24 nuclear warheads
|
|||
Country
|
City
|
City
Population
|
Number
of Attacking Bombs
|
Pakistan
|
Islamabad (national capital)
|
100-250
thousand
|
1
|
Pakistan
|
Karachi (provincial capital)
|
>
5 million
|
3
|
Pakistan
|
Lahore (provincial capital)
|
1-5
million
|
2
|
Pakistan
|
Peshawar (provincial capital)
|
0.5-1
million
|
1
|
Pakistan
|
Quetta (provincial capital)
|
250-500
thousand
|
1
|
Pakistan
|
Faisalabad
|
1-5
million
|
2
|
Pakistan
|
Hyderabad
|
0.5-1
million
|
1
|
Pakistan
|
Rawalpindi
|
0.5-1
million
|
1
|
India
|
New Dehli (national capital)
|
250-500
thousand
|
1
|
India
|
Bombay (provincial capital)
|
>
5 million
|
3
|
India
|
Delhi (provincial capital)
|
>
5 million
|
3
|
India
|
Jaipur (provincial capital)
|
1-5
million
|
2
|
India
|
Bhopal (provincial capital)
|
1-5
million
|
1
|
India
|
Ahmadabad
|
1-5
million
|
1
|
India
|
Pune
|
1-5
million
|
1
|
NRDC calculated that 22.1
million people in India and Pakistan would be exposed to lethal (causing death)
radiation doses of 600 rem or more in the first two days after the attack.
Another 8 million people would receive a radiation dose of 100 to 600 rem, causing
severe radiation sickness and potentially death, especially for the very young,
old or infirm. NRDC calculates that as many as 30 million people would be
threatened by the fallout from the attack, roughly divided between the two
countries. As I said these are figures from low yield Hiroshima Nagasaki type
weapons.
Besides fallout, blast and
fire would cause substantial destruction within roughly a mile-and-a-half of
the bomb craters. NRDC estimates that 8.1 million people live within this
radius of destruction.
Yet these estimates are of
low yield nuclear weapons. The casualties would multiply 5 fold if Thermo
Nuclear or Hydrogen Nuclear devices were used.
It is also possible that
Pakistan may be wiped of the face of the Earth and 50% of the Indian subcontinent
would be unfit for habitation if further escalation is resorted to. Further,
Radiation will affect all countries globally by radioactive contamination of
water and food resources.
Not exactly a pleasing scenario. I hope some good sense prevails on both sides.
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